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Similar arguments apply in the space sector. The German com-pany Daimler-Benz was reportedly involved in the development of the DFH-3 communications satellite platform (Cliff, 2001, p. 28), which is the platform used by China’s two military communications satel-lites. Similarly, collaboration with Brazil in the development of the CBERS satellites undoubtedly aided the development of China’s mili-tary reconnaissance satellites.
Implications for U.S. Security Interests
As noted earlier, there is no question that China’s growing civilian aerospace capabilities are contributing to the development of its mili-tary aerospace capabilities. Many aerospace systems are inherently dual-use—for example, commercial airliners can be used as military transports and as the basis for special-mission aircraft. High-bypass turbofan engines used on airliners share components of low-bypass tur-bofan engines used on high-performance aircraft (the General Electric F101, originally developed for the B-1B supersonic bomber, became the basis both for the F110 fighter engine used on the F-16 and for the CFM56, the best-selling airliner engine of all time (“General Elec-tric F101,” 2010). Autonomous flight-control systems can improve the safety and performance of passenger aircraft but can also be used on military unmanned aerial vehicles. Space launch vehicles can be used for either military or commercial launches, and many satellite types, including communications, PNT, and weather satellites, have both military and commercial applications.
Many of the skills and technologies required to produce com-mercial or dual-use aerospace products are also applicable to purely military systems. These include computer-aided design and computer-aided manufacturing, precision machining, and composite-material manufacturing.
There is also no question that China’s growing aerospace capabili-ties have implications for U.S. security interests. Beijing claims that the autonomous island of Taiwan is part of its territory and reserves the right to use force to bring about unification, but the United States has declared that any threat to Taiwan’s independence would be a threat to its own interests. Similarly, a Chinese attempt to assert control over territory it claims in the East China Sea and South China Sea would affect U.S. interests in the freedom of navigation and in the security of
U.S. allies who also claim some or all of those territories. Thus, China’s growing aerospace capabilities increase its ability and possibly its pro-pensity to use force in ways that negatively affect U.S. interests and would increase the costs—human and material—of resisting attempts to use such force.
However, it is difficult to quantify the extent to which improve-ments in China’s civilian aerospace capabilities in general, and inter-national cooperation in the civilian aerospace sector in particular, are driving improvements in China’s military aerospace capabilities. Chi-na’s defense spending has quintupled in real terms since 1995, a greater than 12 percent annual growth rate. This means that vastly more resources are now available for the development of aerospace and other defense capabilities than were available just 15 years ago. Moreover, China’s military aerospace industry has benefited from direct technical assistance from Russian, Israeli, and other foreign firms and technical experts. With China being one of the world’s largest trading nations, China’s military aerospace industry can purchase state-of-the-art parts and technologies from throughout the world. The industry also has the ability to tap into expertise in firms outside of the aerospace sector and in Chinese universities, which themselves are increasingly integrated into the world scientific and engineering community. Finally, China is engaged in large-scale espionage efforts to acquire key aerospace and other military technologies.
　
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